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Rama 2. Contos da Taberna. O Enigma de Rama. Contos pdf rev. A casa vazia. A nuvem envenenada. Arthur Conan Doyle: O nobre solteiro. As cinco sementes de laranja. Terra Imperial. Um processador de textos acionado por vapor-conto. A Coroa de Berilo. A Escola do Priorado. A faixa malhada. A segunda mancha. A Liga Ruiva. A cidade submarina. O funil de couro. A Banda Pintada. Arthur Conan Doyle. Aventuras de Sherlock Holmes.
O Mestre da Sensibilidade. O Mestre da Vida. Augusto Cury. Dez Leis Para Ser Feliz. Um caso de Identidade. A Pior Prisao do Mundo. O Mestre dos mestres.
Os Segredos do Pai-Nosso. O Mestre do Amor. Augusto Cury: O Mestre dos Mestres. O Futuro da Humanidade. Nunca Desista de Seus Sonhos. O Vampiro de Sussex. O Problema Final. Um estudo em vermelho. Sherlock Holmes. Atlas Shrugged. O Triunfo de Sharpe. Professores Fascinantes. Ayn Rand. Pais Brilhantes. As Aventuras de Sharpe 1. Sharpe e a Campanha de Wellington. Pais brilhantes. O Herege. Ayn Rand: A Revolta de Atlas.
O Tigre de Sharpe. As Aventuras de Sharpe As Aventuras de Sharpe 2. O Vagabundo. Sharpe e os Fuzileiros. Bernard Cornwell. Bernard Cornwell: As Aventuras de Sharpe 6. As Aventuras de Sharpe 7. As Aventuras de Sharpe 8. As Aventuras de Sharpe 4. Filha da Tempestade. As Aventuras de Sharpe 3. Sharpe em Trafalgar. Os Fuzieliros de Sharpe.
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Acalanto de John Talbot. Belo belo.
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Nosso tempo [doc]. No meio do caminho [doc]. O medo [doc]. O fim das coisas [doc]. Francisco Achcar Folha Explica txt rev. O enterrado vivo [doc]. O tempo passa [doc]. Para sempre [doc]. Os assassinos [doc]. Poema do Jornal [doc]. Para o sexo a expirar [doc]. Papel [doc]. O que se passa na cama [doc]. O que viveu meia hora [doc]. Os vinte poemas [doc]. Poema que aconteceu [doc]. O seu santo nome [doc]. Poema as sete faces [doc]. Parolagem da vida [doc].
Oficina irritada [doc]. O novo Homem [doc]. Passatempo [doc]. O que fizeram do Natal [doc]. O quarto em desordem [doc]. Poema da Necessidade [doc]. Poema-orelha [doc]. Ordem [doc]. Quarto em desordem [doc]. Quadrilha [doc]. Procura-se um pai [doc]. Prece do brasileiro [doc]. Poesias 2 [doc]. Retorno [doc].
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Quero [doc]. Poesias 1 [doc]. Carlos Drummond de Andrade - Segredo [doc]. Lucia Machado de Almeida - O escaravelho do diabo. Manuel de Oliveira Paiva - Donaguidinha. Moraes,-Vinicius-de- A-morte. Moraes,-Vinicius-de- A-um-passarinho. Moraes,-Vinicius-de- Balada-de-Pedro-Nava. Tim Maia txt rev. Alma Inquieta. O peru de natal. Hitler ganhou a guerra. Para viver um grande amor. A Casa Fechada.
O Quinze. Jorge Amado form rev. A Morte do Lidador. A Normalista. A Harpa do Crente. Casa de Pensao. O tempo e o Vento. Livro de uma Sogra. Viagens na Minha Terra. Aos Vinte Anos. O Bispo Negro. O Presbitero. Arras por Forro da Espanha. O Mulato. A Mortalha de Alzira. Folhas Caidas. O Retrato. Leyla Perrone. A morte da inocente Maria. O Liberato. Alvares de Azevedo. A fugitiva. A filha do fazendeiro [Conto]. Abel e Helena. A Filha de Maria Angu.
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Cartas [Rev]. Disparates rimados. Aureliano Lessa. Dispersos [Poesia. Ao cigarro. A sereia e o pescador. Dous anjos. Adeus [Ao meu cavalo].
A orgia dos duendes [Rev]. Adeus da musa de Itamonte. A uma estrela. Estrofes 2. Fagundes Varela. Galope infernal. Hino a Tiradentes. Gentil Sofia. Hino do prazer. Jupira [Conto]. Estrofes [A Brigada Mineira]. Estrofes 1. Foge de mim. Flor sem nome. Minha rede. O Brigadeiro Andrade Neves. O Ipiranga e o 7 de Setembro.
O meu vale. O destino do vate. O bandoleiro. Novas Poesias [Rev]. O bandido do Rio das Mortes [Rev]. O ermo.
O nariz perante os poetas. Uma filha do campo. Tributo da saudade. Que te darei. Olhos verdes. Se eu de ti me esquecer. Trabalho e luz. Os meus primeiros cabelos brancos. Sunt lacrimae rerum. Primeiro sonho de amor. A filha do regicida txt rev. Caio 3D. A Enjeitada txt rev. A Morgada de Romariz txt rev. Melhores Contos. Camilo Castelo Branco. A sepultura de um escravo. Agostinho de Ceuta [Teatro] txt rev.
A queda de um Anjo [Grafia actualizada] txt rev. A velhice do Padre Eterno [Estudo] txt rev. A filha do doutor negro txt rev. A Infanta Capelista txt rev.
A senhora Rattazzi txt rev. A mulher fatal txt rev. A menor mulher do Mundo [doc]. A mensagem doc. O Navio Negreiro. O Arrependimento txt rev. A hora da estrela. Amor [doc]. A Hora da Estrela txt rev. A lucidez perigosa [doc]. A roda branca [doc]. O Arrependimento. Espumas Flutuantes. A criada [doc]. A Mensagem [doc]. A mulher que matou os peixes [Livro] [doc].
Poesias Coligidas. Acabou de sair [doc]. A cozinheira feliz [doc]. Como tratar o que se tem [doc]. Os desastres de Sofia doc. Mal-estar de um anjo doc. O Lustre. Felicidade clandestina doc. Como se chama [doc]. O ovo e a galinha doc. Clarice Lispector. Banhos de mar [doc]. Quase de verdade txt rev. Das vantagens de ser bobo doc. Quase de verdade. As Cidade e as Serras. Uma amizade sincera doc. O Livro Derradeiro. Alves e Cia. Contrastes e Confrontos.
A reliquia. Uma aprendizagem ou O livro dos prazeres [doc]. O Cabeleira. A process of social categorisation, present in discursive practices, simpli- fies differences and tends to resolve contradictions, construct- ing representations of immanent identities. Although at the level of representations identity must always to be connected to continuity in time, in essentialist discourses this time is frozen, mythologised, and cultural specificities become a social fact that is barely susceptible to change.
Contemporary analyses emphasise the clash between these two positions regarding representations of identities. However, the growing complexity of social dynamics and the acceleration of transformations render national identity more visible as a discursive construct, with its contradictions and la- cunas. Throughout the nine- teenth and twentieth centuries, national identity gradually shift- ed to the field of established representations capable of forming the basis for political and ideological mobilisation,4 including 3 Since all identities are located in symbolic space and time, the perception of this multidimensional aspect of identities leads researchers to highlight their fluidity and dynamism and, particularly, their historical dimension, despite the apparent temporal constancy.
What is being questioned in the academic sphere is how to read, interpret and represent identities. This phenomenon, capable of generating such deep links, is the result — though certainly ambiguous — of the social and cultural relation- ships intrinsic to European modernity that are consolidated and irradiated in the nineteenth century.
When speaking of modernity, it has become commonplace though still useful to evoke the words of Marx and Engels. Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted distur- bance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agita- tion [ All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all newly- formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify.
All that is solid melts into air Marx; Engels, , p. In another instance, reification makes the nation function as a semiophore, as Marilena Chaui has indicated.
Although the findings point to the constitution of a post-tradi- tional dis order, with the pace of change generating ambiguity and anguish, it is worth highlighting that in the passage cited, Marx and Engels are praising the changes promoted by bourgeois revolutionaries.
The conventional modes of life and traditions begin to be thwarted. And he goes further, The modes of life brought into being by modernity have swept us away from all traditional types of social order, in quite unprec- edented fashion. Giddens, , p. Although not always consistent with the standards of rationality and logic devised by modernity, the discourse of nationality is able to constitute a perspective of future and of transformation, while simultaneously eliminating, at least on the symbolic or imaginary level, chaos and disorder.
Thus, nation becomes a stability project in the face of melting into air. Through it, transformations can be explained and ac- quire meaning. The idea of nation, of national identity, and its development as a political force has long been discussed by social sciences. Not all authors fully endorse the diagnosis as indicated above.
Thus, it is worth examining some of these positions, their simi- larities and differences, so we can then extract some of the more interpretive possibilities that will help us in this approach con- cerning the dilemmas of national identity.
Back in the nineteenth century, one of the most famous texts concerning the existence of the nation and its foundations is by the French historian Ernest Renan. For Renan, the nation was not the fruit of race, religion, language, geography, or even of military needs;7 rather it arises from a common will in 7 Angela Alonso and Samuel Titan Jr.
In other writings, the French histo- rian vehemently uses the concept of race to explain the situation of European colonies. His concept of nation, therefore, is only valid for his own continent Alonso; Titan Jr. In classic social sciences, the theme of the nation is addressed by, among others, Marcel Mauss and Max Weber. In seeking to classify the political forms of social life, both understand that the nation-state represents the culmination of integration and an organic social solidarity.
It is precisely this sense of collectivism, made consubstantial in the institution of the nation-state, which marks an evolutionary transition in political organisation.
In the manner of Renan, Mauss considers the nation as the result of a consensus of a general will and also recognises that it is the es- tablished nation that creates the idea of racial unity and many of its traditions, selected from diverse cultural practices. The con- cept of nation for Mauss resembles social nationalist discourses that were established from the nineteenth century onwards, emphasising the moral unity of the individuals who comprise the same.
The nation is thus a social fact established by will, but also by a natural evolution that is the continuity of the organ- ic solidarity of primitive clans. The merit of national identity for Mauss is in constructing a response to the tendency toward disintegration provoked by modernity, abolishing the internal divisions of society and broadly amplifying the solidarity and homogeneity of the primitive clan.
While acknowledging that some natural pride and chauvinism are intrinsic to national imagination, for the French anthropologist extreme nationalism, such as xen- ophobia and the defence of traditionalism, is a pathology of national identity that should be excised like an abscess.
However, even considering the role of intellectuals and the media books, journals and, above all, newspapers in the dissemination of the national principle, Weber understands the nation as a community which normally tends to produce a state of its own. Therefore, not only is the fruit of disenchantment of the world generated by modernity, but also the need for cohe- sion that is inherent to any political community.
Even though he recognises that national homogeneity is undefined and based on fairly heterogeneous feelings of solidarity, for Weber there is a feeling of nationality prior to the institutionalisation of the political nation. From the s onwards, the rejection of essentialist concepts of national identity begins to dominate the core of intellectual production.
From within a constructivist position, perceiving that social categories are culturally constructed, authors are will- ing to envision the nation as a cultural artefact and thus as rep- resentation see Rovisco, The cultural homogeneity of the nation can be politically induced. Despite their relation- ship with other forms of prior identity, national identities are something recently forged by a series of political and economic interests.
Appropriating historians like Marc Bloch and Huizinga and sociolo- gists like Weber, the work of Josep Llobera, The God of Modernity originally published in , for example, seeks to understand the nation as a cultural value, as a community rooted in the entire population and with a broad prior history.
For the author, national identity was determined by the late medieval period. Llobera, however, prudently refrains from generalising his findings to locations outside of Western Europe. For him, nations were constructed by an action of the elite who assumed control of the state in the nineteenth century. This was an attempt to amalgamate political unity with a cultural unity. Remaining within this interpretive bias, but in search of broader visions concerning the ideas of manipulation and in- vention, the analyses by Benedict Anderson, Eric Hobsbawm and Anthony Smith are those that ultimately underpin the most contemporary interpretations of national identity.
The positions of English historian Eric Hobsbawm in Na- tions and Nationalism since are those closest to Gellner. As an example of the latter, Hobsbawm , p. Using an approach similar in form to Renan, Hobsbawm gradually refutes those that maintain that language, ethnici- ty and religion are the preforming elements of the nation. For Hobsbawm, the creation of a modern administrative state, which mobilises and influences citizens, and the democrati- sation of politics are the essential factors in the formation of modern nations.
Nationalism is constructed by actions and reactions that can also come from popular mobilisation and, in many cases, there are proto-national ties, feelings of a pre-existing collective bond, that can be operated on a macro-political scale by states and nationalist movements. Hobsbawm, , p. One of the main keys to understanding this phenomenon lies in the development of the press as a commodity — what Anderson calls print-capitalism.
The search for new readerships enabled the development of printed languages with greater fixity than their oral counterparts, giving the impression of permanence in time and unified fields of exchange and communication. However, for Ander- son, from the moment the model is established, it is likely to be imitated, with varying degrees of consciousness, even as the object of intentional manipulation. When referring to the new nation-states that emerged from the dissolution of the European empires, the author states that, [ Anderson, , p.
The way national- ism functions is closer to religious phenomena than to political ideologies. Nations are, therefore, imagined with- in the limits and ideals lived during every historical moment by specific communities.
Symbols are efficient when affirmed within an affective communal logic of meanings [ The key to interpreting it is in the common ethnic roots, the legacy of a long-term history. In other words, the ethnic model was sociologically fertile. Smith, , p. Thus, the nation is a cultural phenomenon that gains political and ideological use. However, the distance between Smith and the other authors analysed is not as large as it might seem at first glance.
He rec- ognises that modern nations, with mass citizens, could only emerge in the era of industrialism and democracy. Nationalist language and symbolism begin as a phenomenon of the elite, in which intellectuals play a prominent role. A vigorous pro- gramme of political socialisation, conducted through public communication and mass education systems, was essential to set up a modern nation-state in conjunction with and in the con- text of other processes.
Based on the convergences, we can thus highlight a general reading of contemporary interpretive possibilities concerning the nation and national identities as symbolic systems that ascribe social identities. Political unifica- tion, concomitant with cultural unification, for the most part, compels the requirements of loyalty for the state and the nation to coincide. To a certain extent, this explains the persistence of representations of national identity: As Hobsbawm shows, the presence of the postman, police- man, teacher, railroad, soldier, periodical censuses and so on indicates a significant increase in state interventions in the lives of families throughout the nineteenth century.
In his work, Anderson emphasises the role played by the written culture and the media in the construction, narration and dissemination of a sense of nation. It is precisely among this part 11 The time reference of the diagnosis is specific to parts of Europe and the USA.
Despite the need for the existence of objective preconditions for the efficacy of constructed representations, it is the intellectuals who proposed and elaborated the concepts and language of the na- tion and nationalism Smith, , p. The nationalist promise of posterity attracted poets, musicians, painters, sculptors, novelists, historians and archae- ologists, playwrights, philologists, lexicographers, anthropolo- gists and folklorists Smith, , p.
While considering the possibility of direct and intentional state action through the means of communication, in which schools and textbooks can also be included, one must contemplate that this action uses deep-rooted values with some social support. However, the selection of aspects of the culture that will be highlighted is often made by assigning other values to these elements, seeking a resignifica- tion consonant with the objectives of each group in each period.
The desired end is always the achievement of affective adhesion, channelling collective interests, emotions, aspirations and fears. Either way, one can perceive that in discourses regarding the nation, cultural, political, affective and rational components are intertwined. Rita Ribeiro shows that an interrelationship between these two models of nation cultural-ethnic-organ- ic and civic-political-territorial is required to understand the phenomenon, [ Ribeiro, R.
The fact is that culture and politics, ethnicity and civility are amalgamated in the tendency toward homogenisation that representations of national identity convey. The writing of history is more than a privileged space; it is the protagonist in the construction of logic and the legitimisa- tion of the narratives of the nation. It is the search for a usable past whose construc- tion also reveals the link between historicism and Romanticism in the nineteenth century.
Thus, the nation is represented as something that has always existed. The representations constructed produce or reinforce the subjective belief in a common ethnic ancestry see Weber, and the existence of a place of origin and destination.
In the temporal projection, the nation emerges as a becoming of this territory and this unique people. In the discursive construct of the nation, in this mirror in which its organic unity is projected, are representations that, due to their constant reiteration, end up gaining greater weight, established at some greater depth in the social imaginary. These are founding representations in a double sense, expressed in two complementary forms of discourse: These representations are rooted in such a way that discursive constructions that are intended to over- come them necessarily have to negotiate meanings with them.
A consistent theoretical production has given prominence to the strength of these representations. Orlandi examines these representations as founding discourses, discourses that function as a basic reference in the constitutive imagination of a country.
They are the enunciative images emanating from the founding discourses that transfigure the nonsensical into meaning, operat- ing a silencing, even if temporarily, of other excluded senses.
In the words of the author, the founding discourse implements the conditions of formation of others, affiliating them- selves with their own possibility, instituting as a whole a complex of discursive formations, a region of meanings, a site of significance that configures a process of identification with a culture, a nation, a nationality.
Orlandi, , p. This is how representations of the nation are concretely ex- perienced by social agents, according to the groups to which they belong. Social actors take these representations to be real, incorporating them as referrals to their interpretations. Repre- sentations of the nation, present in the discourses of the most varied political tendencies, act by articulating senses: At the height of the discourses on globalisation in the late s, analysts also announced the crisis of the state and na- tional identity as instruments capable of providing the contem- porary world with meaning.
Similarly, even today, researchers of identities highlight a lesser presence of national identity in the construction of contemporary subjects. Despite the relevance of these analyses, which consider the transnational nature of economic relationships and the possibili- ty of network communication, contemporaneously, other authors have highlighted that we live in a world where the issues and challenges posed by modernity have not yet been fully answered.
Although, as we saw earlier, new sources of identity arise in contemporaneity, representations of national identities are constantly reiterated in the present. Indeed, these representa- tions continue circulating in academic literature, in the media, in memory, in tradition and in schools. In the present, we should therefore consider a long trajectory of discourses of national identity, divulged over time, that func- tion as an incorporated history,15 which cannot be ignored.
As re- searcher Rita Ribeiro , p. The discursive, symbolic and political efficacy of new identity representations will depend on the dialogue established with long-duration ele- ments, within the conditions and limits defined by specific con- junctures.
Alberto Rosa, Guglielmo Bellelli and David Bakhurst help us reflect a little more on the permanences and reiterations of national identity representations, their discourses and their possibilities of transformation, [ For him, there is history in an objectified state, which has accumulated over time in objects, tools, institu- tions.
This permanence the past remains alive restricts the universe of the possible. What seems clear is that it is not easy to impose cultural change, or alter the constitutive ideas that people from a community have about their own being, even when using very brutal methods.
Modification of signs of identity is not only achieved through the exchange of symbols, but also by the very meanings that they convey, which should be conventionalised in the community that uses them, and enter into the affective dynamics of the elements of the culture of that group.
Rosa; Bellelli; Bakhurst, , p. In many cases, it is not national identity that is called into question, but its representation. The clashes between different groups are over the meanings — for a review of the grammar — which envelop this great identity symbol that functions as a semiophore for modern societies.
If, as we affirmed above, the objective and subjective experi- ences of human beings are constructed in interaction with rep- resentations of who they are and who they can be, it is clear that much of the contemporary dilemmas regarding alterity, self- esteem, ethics and morality dialogue directly with national iden- tity representations. Through it all, thinking within, between and around the nation and its representations, past and present, it can still be an exciting, if not essential, intellectual resource.
The liberation of Ham: The painting depicts a black grandmother, her mulatto daughter and her white son-in-law and grandson. In fact, it is a finished representation of the vaunted miscegenation policy to make the black Brazilian disap- pear, without destroying Ham, the cursed son of Noah Genesis 9: Maria Bernadete Ramos Flores.
Title of thesis project: Imagens coloniais em tempos modernistas: Smith e sua metodologia como historiador da arte [Colonial images in modernist times: Smith and his methodology as an art historian]. Although the Bible records nothing concerning the colour of Ham and his descendants, according to David Goldemberg , p.
In the nineteenth century, in response to the abolitionist movement in the United States, racist whites seized on the biblical account.
In Brazil, the curse of Ham served to justify the enslavement of both indigenous peoples and blacks. Enslavement and extermination were the price to be paid for the redemption of the sin Ham committed upon seeing his fa- ther naked while he slept intoxicated.
Slavery was the fate of the black African population and their descendants, in order to regenerate and purify this sin. However, since both the history of this group and their current claims are highly specific and distinguish them from black Brazilians, we do not have space in the context of this article to address them adequately. In contrast to racism, racial prejudice and marginalisa- tion, university quotas created a more colourful university that is blacker; the Black Movement and the affirmation of blackness gave rise to a new ethnosemantics: To acclaim the liberation of Ham, we began with the sugges- tion of David Theo de Goldberg apud Azevedo, , p.
We will use the term race herein, without quotes or reserva- tions, in terms of its current meaning: As Edward Telles , p. We are aware that the concept of race was one of the most perverse creations, between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, which served Eurocentrism and its domination over the earth.
The concept of race is a fiction formulated in games of power. There is no doubt that the biological concept of race was the fulcrum of the most powerful ideological formation in history.
The invention of the concept of race racialised peoples, positioning them at an advantage or a disadvantage, both in the contexts of international economics and imperialism and nationally, in the process of ethnic homogenisation and its ci- vilisational processes. We are also aware that scientific racial theories radically fell into disuse, after World War II, when mass murder was committed in concentration camps in the name of race.
However, biological racial theories had fallen into disre- pute since the beginning of the century. Although Boas received much criticism due to the limited consistency of his statements, he damaged the notion of physical stability that sustained racial theory and introduced the notion of plasticity of the body and of culture Barkan, , p.
More than any other country, European or the United States, Brazil embraced the thesis of discrediting scientific racism from the s onwards, particu- larly in the works of Gilberto Freyre. Nevertheless, though the concept of race was a biological fiction, it was not without real-life influence on numerous his- torical contexts. In Brazil, the weight it had in constructing na- tional history cannot be disregarded.
In the nineteenth century, the fear was that the mixture of the three races prevented Brazil from joining the march of progress; the Republic applied the law of eugenics to whiten and integrate mestizos into Brazilian modernization and created the myth of racial democracy; with the industrialisation of Brazil, the gen- eration of post-World War II intellectuals perceived that race in Brazil was a social issue, in which the relationship of classes played with our slave heritage.
Since the s, an alliance be- tween government, academia and social movements sought not only to understand the historical socio-racial inequality in Bra- zil, but principally to implement policies to eliminate racism and racial exclusion. The Brazilian racial issue Culturalism The portrait of Brazil, drawn by those who saw the fantas- tic spectacle of races Schwarcz, , was surprisingly scary.
It was within this context that the immigration of Europeans in the second half of the nineteenth century emerged as a propel- ling force in the whitening of the nation. In the words of Celia Maria Marinho de Azevedo , p. In the late nineteenth century, with the abolition of slavery and the founding of the Republic , the Brazilian elites had to deal with the massive presence of blacks and misce- genation. Defining or interpreting the nation meant addressing the issue of racial interbreeding.
Sociologists, historians, natu- ralists and doctors were committed to studying and discriminat- ing the different characteristics of the three races that moulded Brazilian nationality: However, in the early decades of the twentieth century, due to the modernising processes that were occurring in Brazil and the centrality of intellectual debate encompassing the issue of national identity, the pessimistic view of the contribution of the moulding races to Brazilian society was substituted for a posi- tive approach, in which racial intercourse was transformed into an indicator of tolerance and harmony.
Being white no longer meant genuinely belonging to a blood group of European origin. For Oliveira Vianna: For Gilberto Freyre, miscegenation, besides possessing a democratic ethos regarding vertical and horizontal social mobili- ty that was inherited from the Portuguese, was, at its most active stage, imbued with the character of biological mobility Flores, Freyre, , p.
The consequences were biological, aesthetic and ethical. It tran- spires, however, that all this reflection, articulated to global theoretical debates, also carries significant aspects of nationalist ideology based on identity, much of which is responsible for the frequent criticism that the work of Gilberto Freyre normally re- ceives.
Modification of the biological concept of race to a cultural concept of race, applied to the environment and history of the group, in the first decades of the twentieth century, replaced the physical race by a linguistic, historical and psychological race.
Despite the apology to the mestizo, Freyre appreciated the continuity of European values. Oliveira Vianna , p. Arthur Ramos, a former stu- dent of Nina Rodrigues, suggested substituting the words race for culture and miscegenation for acculturation Maio; Santos, , p. The discovery of sociological race Since the late s, UNESCO has reflected on the perplex- ity of the global scientific community and political leaders in the face of the catastrophic acts carried out during the Second World War in the name of race.
This anxiety has become even more acute with the persistence of racism in various parts of the world, with the emergence of the Cold War, the decolonisation process in Africa and Asia and the perpetuation of large social inequalities on a global scale. At its Fifth Ses- sion of the General Conference, in , held in Florence, the First Declaration on Race emerged, denying any deterministic association between physical characteristics, social behaviour and moral attributes.
This made it possible for foreign and national social scien- tists to work together, driving the development of a thought that was already underway. During the project, Brazilian researchers found conditions that were favourable to their investigations, even within academic circles headed by Brazilian specialists — Florestan Fernandes, Thales de Azevedo, Oracy Nogueira, L. Costa Pinto and others Maio, , p.
On the other hand, international researchers got involved in the project and strengthened their partnership with Brazil- ians: Foreign and Brazilian social scientists had accepted an intellectual challenge, not only that of making the Brazilian ra- cial scenario intelligible, but also of answering the recurring question regarding the incorporation of certain social segments into modernity, doing justice to the original intent of Arthur Ramos, who died before the completion of the project.
Costa Pinto participated in the debate on the scientific status of the concept of race, which resulted in the First Declaration on Race in , and articulated an agreement to also conduct research in Rio de Janeiro, in a metropolitan area. A sociological reading of the challenges dictated by capitalist development, by social mobility and due to the new relationships of social classes derived from the passage from the situation of slavery to the condition of proletariat, until blacks attained the middle class, was lacking in Brazil Maio, According to Maio, the great contribution of the book O negro no Rio de Janeiro concerns its understanding of how racial preju- dice emerges within a society in the process of industrialisation and urbanisation.
This dynamic favours the creation of various social movements of racial groups, which we will discuss later. In his research on racial preju- dice in Brazil and the United States, he formulated differences between the two countries: The former elects the phenotype racial appearance as a criterion for discrimination.
Innumerous classificatory gradations consid- er not only the nuances of colour — black, mulatto, pale mullato, dark, brown, white —, but also facial features, like the nose, lips, eye colour and hair type. The concept of white and nonwhite thus varies enormously from individual to individual within the same family or the same social group, from class to class, from region to region Cavalcanti, , p. The parental origin of individu- als classifies them and links them to the discriminated group.
According to Nogueira, in Brazil, prejudice discriminates through preterition. The etiquette of race relations, in turn, tends to control the behaviour of the discrimi- nating group, in order to avoid the susceptibility or humiliation of the discriminated group. This is a classificatory choice, in that ascendancy is not what matters. This works in such a way that, in this rela- tional system, social discrimination can maintain close ties with personal intimacy Cavalcanti, , p.
It was necessary to verify how the process of integration of blacks had occurred in South- ern Brazil, colonised by large European contingents, principally Germans, Italians and Poles, and who therefore had not resorted to large-scale slave labour Cardoso; Ianni, , p.
According to Florestan Fernandes, this requires increasing awareness of citizenship and more effective exercise of democ- racy Fernandes, , p. Denying access to true political and social engagement and participation in cultural goods strongly promotes and configures the notion of inequality. Racial discrimination influences social mobility, moreover, this prejudice leads to the internalisation, by blacks, of social roles that constitute obstacles to their ascension in society.
The creation of a national history and the study of the population were sine qua non requirements in the process of forming the modern nation-state. It is no won- der that historian Varnhagen was the official emissary sent to the International Congress of Statistics in St. The problem that Brazil had to face was establishing racial categories for the statistical survey of its population.
How should one classify races in Brazil? When racial classification of human groups was invented, between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries in Europe, the category of colour was introduced to iden- tify them. The peoples of the East and Amerindians were regarded as belonging to the yellow race; Europeans or Caucasians formed the white race; and the peoples of the sub-Saharan Africa, Ne- groids, were designated as blacks.
Thus, in Brazil, the census resorted to the common form to racially classify and prioritise the population according to skin colour, thus inaugurating the colour system for their racial classification IBGE, , p.
Table 1: In the Censuses in and , information concern- ing colour or race was not collected and in and , no census operations were performed in the country. From the Census onwards, the colour yellow appears to specifically account for the Japanese participation that resulted from their immigration, occurring primarily between and Those who did not fit into any of the three categories received a dash in the space corresponding to colour, which, during result analyses, were coded as mixed race mullato, mestizo, caboclo IBGE, , p.
By the Censuses in and , the category brown is re- incorporated and these are the first instances that clarify in their instructions how to complete the census regarding the response of the person included in it, the first reference of self-declaration being used IBGE, , p. In , the category brown is again excluded from the survey, returning in , when it is used in the sample questionnaire. Finally, in the last census, conducted in , the categories white, black, brown, yellow and indigenous were maintained.
This was the first census in which people identified as indigenous were questioned concern- ing their ethnicity and the language they spoke.
It is important to emphasise that the racial structure of Brazil has continued to change in the last 50 years, with a reduction in the proportion of whites and blacks in relation to the growth of brown [parda], as presented in the figures and the Census table below. Figure 1: Relative participation according to colour — Total Population — Brazil, Source: Sachs; Vilheim; Pinheiro, , p. Ethnic composition and interethnic marriage Source: Participation in absolute and relative numbers of the population, accord- ing to colour, Census Colour Absolute numbers Percentages White 91,, It was the third time the IBGE had surveyed information to improve their instruments for determining the racial characteristics of the population used in the Censuses.
The classificatory gradations consider not only the nuances of colour — black, light-skinned or dark-skinned mu- latto, brown, white —, but also facial features as well — nose, lips, eye colour, hair type — in the midst of various social, subjec- tive, generational, political and economic complications that alter the perception and conception of white and nonwhite.
One commonly cited survey, conducted by Harris in , identi- fied terms to define the colour of the interviewees, while the PNAD, conducted by the IBGE in , while using self-def- inition in free responses, formed a list of colours, including reddish brown, Galician, porcelain, navy blue, very fair, very dark, tanned white, coffee-coloured, cinnamon, pink, jambu, peach, honey, light brown, dark brown, purple, negro albino, swarthy, olive Faced with so much variety when allowing in- terviewees to define themselves, a more limited selection was decided upon: It enabled the responses to apply new terms to expand the scope of identi- fication, without departing from the classic categories of ra- cial identification.
The person was asked whether they declared themselves to be of African descendancy or indigenous specify- ing ethnicity and language ; or Asian yellow ; or whether they declared themselves to be negro black , preto black or white.
The analyses by these experts focused on three thematic axes: The study considered that the concept of race is a purely sociohistorical construct.
In Brazil, racial prejudice is characterised by being predominant. Racial inequality and the frequent repetition of disqualifying stereotypes contribute to maintaining the discriminated groups in the worst living condi- tions, on average IBGE, , p. The analysis of the racial classification of individuals was carried out by Rafael Guerreiro Osorio, in the fourth chapter of this volume IBGE, , p. The titles of the books are: They are not a serie, so you can read any of them.
My favourite Brazilian author is Caio Fernando Abreu. He wrote mainly short stories, many of which you can find in here http: I believe if you just give it a search on that same website, you'll probably find some of their works to download. I second that! It was written originally in Portuguese, but became an international hit translated into many languages.
Check this website http: Here's "O alquimista" http: Some of my favorites: If you are a very humble person, you might read "a guia do mochileiro das galaxias" the hitchhiker's guide to the galaxy , as an "intermediate".
It's damn good and no matter your level you'll expand your vocabulary since some words are unfamiliar even to natives speakers of Portuguese. O doce veneno Officially, intermediate is when you know at least everyday words and you can speak using basic grammar all the grammar covered on Duolingo without too much difficulty.